May 13, 2009

Political Apathy

About a quarter million fewer people voted in 2009 than voted in 2005. Many excuses can be made, ranging from the hockey playoffs, spring weather or the nature of the campaign. Except where voting is mandatory, voter turnout is down throughout the world, regardless of which type of voting system is used. In 2007 in Switzerland it was under 40%; in Ireland it was much higher at 68.9%, but down from 85.2% in 1977.

Everyone who cares about politics and public policy has to be concerned about the 52.5% voter turnout for the May 12th vote. The percentage is even lower, 50.8%, when expressed relative to the number of estimated eligible as opposed to registered voters.

Some might have expected that the referendum on electoral reform would have encouraged otherwise discouraged voters to at least vote on that question, but 49,036 fewer voters participated in the referendum than participated in the general election (24,930 fewer voters did in 2005). The referendum failed to attract more voters to the polls, and it didn't interest many who voted in the general election.

Parliamentary democracies essentially elect a dictator for four years; the first minister in a majority government has virtually absolute power, limited only by the courts, unlikely rebellion within his/her own party or enormous public pressure. A government that believes it should be accountable and that it should encourage widespread interest and involvement in public affairs needs to persuade its constituents that it is at least a benevolent dictatorship.

Former Premier W.A.C. Bennett enjoyed all the power of any first minister, but he was known for having some independent cabinet ministers who ran their own ministries as well as for his own famous "second look". Over the past 35 years power has been increasingly centralized in the Premier's Office. Backbenchers rarely see legislation until it is tabled in the Legislature, and even cabinet ministers might learn of legislation they must guide through the House only after it is drafted. Deputy Ministers are accountable to and report to the Premier's deputy, not to their Minister.

Perhaps what is needed in British Columbia, and elsewhere, is not electoral reform as much as parliamentary reform. Changing how politicians are elected does not necessarily change politics, or the workings of parliament and government. Institutional changes such as real roles for legislative committees, Parliamentary calendars that are honoured so as to assure a minimum number of sitting days per year and question periods that are also answer periods are a few improvements that could be made.

Real change must start at the top. The sharing of power and the engagement of the public must start with the Premier loosening the reins. Once that happens for awhile MLAs and the public can get used to it, and it can become more difficult to go back to old habits.

In his victory speech on the evening of May 12th, Premier Campbell was gracious toward Carole James, Jane Sterk and the public service. Over the next four years, changing how his office and the B.C. Legislature work would do far more than any change in how MLAs are elected. It might succeed in convincing British Columbians that it is worthwhile to become engaged in politics and policy. It will require a change on all sides; the Official Opposition must also make politics an honourable profession by taking the high road in debating policy alternatives. Parliament and government are not high school debating clubs, but neither should they constantly be the lowest form of extreme-fighting. The Opposition and the Government must share responsibility for engaging the public.