It is
fitting, perhaps ironic, that information from the search
warrants used in the December 28, 2003 raid on the Legislature
was made available at the same time that the public learned
who financed BC's political parties in 2005. Information
in the search warrants is nothing but unproven allegations
but they contain assertions that Ministerial Assistants
received benefits from lobbyists for assisting a corporation.
Filings with Elections BC show that in 2005 the BC Liberal
party received $9.2 million from corporations and just under
$1 million from unincorporated businesses, for a total of
over $10.1 million out of $13.1 million from all sources.
Despite having received 77% of their funding from the business
sector, the Liberal Party had the gall to issue a news release
which claimed that "Individuals made up a full eighty-two
percent of the contributors to the BC Liberal Party in 2005".
Of course, the BC Liberal Party wasn't counting dollars
when it made that outrageous claim. If corporate and union
donations were banned, as they are in Quebec and Manitoba,
the Liberals would have a funding crisis.
There
are serious problems in perception, and perhaps in reality,
when the governing party depends heavily on business donations.
In may be years before anyone knows the truth behind the
raid on the Legislature, but the few facts that are emerging
suggest that some lobbyists believe that money buys influence.
On May 28, 2003, in the name of "deregulation",
the Campbell government used Bill 66 (Miscellaneous Statutes
Amendment Act (No. 2), 2003) to amend its Lobbyists
Registration Act so lobbyists would only have to file
the name of a minister and not the name of ministerial assistants
they lobby. Exactly 7 months later the RCMP raided the BC
Legislature with search warrants to find out what Ministerial
Assistants were up to on behalf of lobbyists. In Question
Period on April 3, 2006, NDP Leader Carole James said:
The
court may eventually clear all of the parties named in the
raid on the Legislature, but perception is as important
as reality in politics. It is clear that money talks or
at least money is perceived to carry significant influence.
For many the dependence of the Campbell Liberals on business
funding suggests why the
first order of business in the September 2005 mini-budget
was a corporate tax cut worth $143 million per year,
even though not one word was said about such a cut during
the May 2005 election campaign. The Lobbyists Registration
Act was made even weaker in 2003, but the greatest weakness
that threatens the integrity of politics in BC is the perception
that business has an inside track because of its funding
of the BC Liberal Party. That undermines government and
is unhealthy for democracy. It is time to strengthen disclosure
regarding the activities of lobbyists, and it is time to
end the perception of special deals for friends and insiders
by banning donations from both business and unions while
setting a maximum on the amount any individual can contribute.
Influence with government should not be for sale, even if
it is only a matter of perception.