March
22, 2004
Public
Sector Bargaining - Towards an Alternative
The
purpose of this column is not to provide a blueprint for
a new bargaining framework, but to stimulate discussion
on what it might include and why it is desirable. A new
framework requires trust, a willingness of all the parties
to explore the boundaries that might define the agreement,
and recognition by the public that a problem exists.
The
Campbell government boasts that dozens of collective agreements
have been concluded within its framework of 0-0-0. The unions
that have signed those agreements deserve credit for realism.
The government holds all the power and the best the unions
can do is minimize the damage to their members within very
difficult constraints. To use one of Campbell's favorite
words, no one should think that the unilateral imposition
of limits to bargaining is "sustainable". It is
like stretching an elastic band until it breaks.
The
government's position that all public sector "agreements"
will be for 0-0-0 received little public criticism; however,
it is unlikely that any government could get away with saying
that wages will be frozen for the next 10 or 20 years. Similarly,
public sector unions could not get away with saying that
compensation for their members should be two or three times
higher than comparable private sector jobs. Those extremes
are examples of limits or parameters for bargaining.
A new
framework for public sector bargaining should include a
dispute resolution mechanism, and a set of limits or principles
for bargaining that are accepted by all parties - the government,
the unions and the public. One of the challenges is to narrow
the ridiculous extremes between eternally frozen wages and
unacceptable private sector multiples.
People
join unions in order to improve their situation; they are
not going to accept that their wages should be driven down
to lowest non-union comparison, although that seems to be
the direction the Campbell government is headed with many
of its privatization initiatives. It may be possible to
come to a consensus with respect to comparisons between
benchmark jobs in the unionized public and private sectors,
and with jobs that lack comparisons by bridging through
job evaluation. Such comparisons will always be rough guidelines
since total compensation packages must be examined, not
just hourly or monthly pay rates.
A characteristic
of the dark ages was that nothing changed; in modern times
people expect some noticeable improvement in their standard
of living. One of the foundations for a renewed bargaining
structure could be recognition that, like workers in the
private sector, it is reasonable to expect some long run
improvements in compensation. To be sustainable, long run
improvements cannot exceed long run revenue growth. That
poses a problem if government claims that it cannot afford
to increase pay because it has cut taxes and thereby lost
its ability to do so. Like equalization payments which are
based on a hypothetical standardized tax system for all
provinces, the principle of limiting long run compensation
increases to match revenue growth could be based on some
standard of revenue potential rather than the latest government
whim.
"Transparency"
is another favorite catch word for governments. While negotiations
occur best in private, the collective agreements they produce
need to be transparent so the public knows where the biggest
component of government spending is going. It is very difficult
today to find full collective agreements, including wage
scales for many public sector unions, but the Labour Relations
Board is rectifying that with easy access to agreements
on its site. That doesn't mean that it will be easy
to compare and cost changes in agreements. Full transparency
requires agreement on the costing of changes and public
access to the calculation.
Some
suggest that a new bargaining framework might be as simple
as agreeing to some form of COLA clause, or at least a long
run cost of living agreement. That would probably be going
too far. More general principles would allow the parties
to distribute the cost of changes between a wider menu of
options.
Even
with broad mutually accepted principles, it might not always
be possible to reach collective agreements. Where public
sector bargaining fails most miserably is in the dispute
resolution mechanisms. Government can wait until the public
mood shifts against the union, and then legislate a settlement.
Decades ago governments included penalty clauses in back-to-work
legislation, but now the legal framework allows government
to craft imposed contracts in such a way that defying the
law can result in charges of criminal contempt of court.
The consequences that flow from conviction on contempt charges
are more severe that anything used in earlier times. A new
bargaining framework needs to get out of that trap because
it takes the "free" out of bargaining.
There
are many names for alternative dispute resolution mechanisms,
but they all amount to arbitration. Public sector employers
are traditionally reluctant to accept arbitration out of
fear that the arbitrator will go far beyond government's
willingness or ability to pay. However, an arbitration that
is rooted on agreed upon principles, including long run
sustainability and keeping costs in line with long run revenue
growth, removes any legitimate basis for employer rejection
of arbitration.
March
19, 2004
Public
Sector Bargaining - The Elephant
The NDP
has an elephant in its midst that someone has to describe
and deal with if the party can ever govern successfully. Gordon
Campbell, or whoever succeeds him, would like nothing better
than to run against public sector unions rather than against
Carole James; James needs to assure the public that she is
not the puppet of public sector unions. It may be possible
for the NDP to win in 2005 as a reaction to Campbell's many
foolhardy mistakes, but it will be a one term government unless
it comes to grips with the expectations of public sector unions.
The public
needs to be reassured that an NDP victory will not result
in unsustainable agreements in the public sector. Public sector
workers also need to be assured that low wage redress is still
an important goal of the NDP, and because of that, it must
be openly discussed. After Ujjal Dosanjh became Premier, Finance
Minister Paul Ramsey revealed that the 0-0-2 bargaining mandate
really cost 11% because of low wage redress. Any such deals
in the future must be "transparent"; if low wage
redress is good social policy, it must not be hidden.
On Wednesday,
March 17th, Voice of BC, with host Vaughn Palmer, interviewed
Bob Plecas and John Fryer of the University of Victoria's
Public Administration Faculty. While on traditionally opposite
sides, Plecas and Fryer both recognized the need to change
how collective agreements are achieved in the public sector.
Some of the ideas, like public interest panels, are hard to
distinguish from arbitration, which is rejected by employers
as being too costly. Both agreed that the private sector model
of bargaining does not work in the public sector because government
can always legislate.
When the
government has the power to bankrupt unions and put leaders,
and even their members in jail, it is not really "free"
collective bargaining. The Campbell government may have set
a record for breaking contracts and imposing "agreements",
but NDP governments have shown that they too will use the
legislative hammer when the public no longer tolerates a dispute.
CUPE viciously attacked Dosanjh when he used that power to
end a dispute in public education, yet no sane observer saw
any alternative. Carole James cannot be held captive to CUPE,
HEU, BCGEU, BCTF, the ferry workers or any other public sector
union.
It is
near heresy in social democratic circles to talk openly about
the elephant, but the alternative is to condemn working people
to decades of right wing governments that will campaign against
public sector unions as their enemy. It would be far better
for public sector unions to recognize that bargaining structures
are often dysfunctional, and to work towards implementing
creative alternatives. No government, right or left, can unilaterally
impose a "solution". Rather than pushing the pendulum
for another big swing, public sector unions would best serve
their members by working for the implementation of a bargaining
framework that will work for all parties. Of course, it is
much easier for union politicians to grandstand to their members
and force the government to intervene and impose a settlement.
Leadership like that fails both the members and the public.
Both sides need to cooperate to create a workable bargaining
structure.
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