November
6, 2003
Changing
Ties between the NDP and Labour
NDP
Conventions involve a process where differences are discussed
in public. For those who enjoy politics and want to watch
democracy in action, that can be exciting but it can also
expose the party to potentially damaging and misleading spins.
Compare that to the BC Liberal Party conventions where little
or no policy is debated and outside observers are effectively
barred through ridiculously high visitor fees.
I don't
think Vaughn Palmer writes the headlines that go on his columns,
but the headline on his November
5th column read "Committees control NDP convention
agenda". Of course, like any organization, committees
do much of the work to prepare for convention including organizing
the resolutions in each topic area in order by priority. The
convention rules provide for an appeal process to change the
priorities set by the various committees. The delegates control
the convention; the committees merely facilitate an orderly
convention although that is not as intriguing as some sort
of imagined control.
As opposed
to the misleading headline, Palmer's column accurately described
what can be found in the draft book of prioritized resolutions.
When the convention approves the agenda, a process that frequently
involves debate and can include amendments, it will set time
limits for each subject area. Once the time allocated to a
topic area is exhausted, the remaining resolutions essentially
die, although over the course of the year the party's Provincial
Council may consider a handful. Old hands know that one way
to defeat low priority resolutions is to have a sufficient
number of people talk long enough on the first few resolutions
so as to run out the clock. Those organizing to change party
policy know that their resolution must be near the top priorities.
It is inaccurate to report that lower priority resolutions,
which don't get debated or passed, represent anything more
than the suggestion of whichever component of the party submitted
the resolution.
The Federal
NDP elects its leader by a modified "one member one vote
(OMOV)" system. Each member has a vote, and those votes
make up 75% of the total vote. The affiliated organizations
(unions) make up the balance. No one should think that the
affiliates vote as a block; their vote always splits. The
BC NDP may adopt that method but there is nothing in the first
priority resolution in "party and constitutional"
affairs that makes that certain. If it obtains the required
two thirds majority, that resolution would amend the party's
constitution so that "After 2003, the Provincial Leader
shall be elected by all individual and affiliated members
in good standing of the Provincial Party", but the resolution
doesn't say how and it doesn't say what weight would be given
to the affiliates. The proposal is that a committee be struck
to work out those "details" and that its work be
submitted to and extensively considered by Provincial Council
over the course of at least two Council meetings. In that
process, those who want "true OMOV" could attempt
to reduce the weight of the votes by the affiliates to near
zero.
Palmer
correctly pointed to a resolution that would allow a vice
president of the party to be designated the "Labour Vice
President" and elected by just the members of the labour
caucus. If that motion receives the required two thirds support
of the delegates, it would formalize what has been a long
standing practice of having one of the party's vice presidents
come from labour. It is to the benefit of labour to elect
a labour friendly government. Why then would labour support
resolutions that generate public backlash and make it more
difficult to win support for the party it supports? Maybe
that is why that resolution is placed as priority 7, meaning
that is stands a low chance of being debated, let alone passed.
A resolution
that is the first priority in the category, "good government",
would have the party support amendments to election finance
legislation so as to prohibit contributions from all but individuals
and to restrict the maximum amount any individual can contribute.
That is a dramatic step in the direction of reducing the power
of unions and companies in the political process.
Palmer
claimed that "almost 200 of the estimated 850 delegates
will be affiliates -- i.e., directly chosen by affiliated
trade unions." In fact, there will be fewer than 160
union delegates; the lowest number at any NDP convention in
the last twenty years. Labour has started the process of creating
a little more distance between itself and the NDP by affiliating
fewer of its members. The NDP and labour will always be close
because they share common values of supporting the rights
of workers, but they are showing that they understand that
a new relationship between the party and labour might better
serve those common interests. The political right would prefer
to run against certain unions; it will do what it can to misrepresent
the change that is developing in the ties between the NDP
and labour. Only mischief makers look at low priority resolutions
that will never be debated, much less passed, and try to portray
them as representing the party.
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