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October 18, 2002

No Time for Debate as Campbell Grabs Power

A legislative calendar sounds like a nice thing. Under the Campbell government it is an excuse for limiting legislative debate and automatically voting on all government Bills on or before the scheduled date for adjournment.

Few people seem to know that government has made a major power grab with the way it interprets the legislative calendar. In the spring sitting there was much active clause by clause (3rd reading) debate on the two Bills that radically changed the welfare system. Government was not providing answers to how the system would work and who would be hurt. (That legislation is now being introduced with the expectation that 10,000 disabled people will be kicked off disability benefits.) On May 13th, in the midst of the welfare debate, government introduced three pieces of legislation that the BC Federation of Labour called an employer bill of rights. WCB benefits were cut, labour standards were lowered and it was made easier for employers to resist union organizing. On May 15 the government house leader, Gary Collins, announced that those Bills and seven others including the welfare legislation would be considered to be "government business". That meant that closure, assigning time limits for debate, would be used to pass the Bills by May 30th.

Providing two weeks from the time contentious legislation is introduced until the time it is passed by forcing an end to debate is an abuse. It is an even greater abuse when contentious legislation is introduced under strict time limits for passage at the same time that other contentious Bills are being debated. The Campbell government resolved the problem by forcing an end to debate and forcing a vote on ten Bills. That is an abuse of power.

The abuse of the legislature that was demonstrated by the Campbell government in May 2002 will be the standard way of doing business. On May 27th Gary Collins said: "I rise pursuant to Standing Order 81.1, which is part of our new fixed legislative calendar that provides for an orderly conclusion of government business using the procedure of time allocation." In other words, closure on or before the scheduled adjournment date will always be used to pass whatever government business is before the legislature. It used to be the case that the legislature would sit for additional days if necessary to conclude debate. Closure becomes more likely when the government adjourns the legislature early.


October 17, 2002

Government Health Ads - What documents?

Do you believe that a government that centralized control of communications in the Office of the Premier and two months later ran television ads so as to deal with the public perception that government doesn't care about health care would have no records in the Premier's Officer pertaining to those television ads? If so, we could probably find some sales people who deal in Florida swampland who would like some of your time.

My freedom of information request for the communications plan and method of evaluation for government's health advertising campaign has produced (two weeks past the statutory deadline) a reply saying "Please be advised that the Office of the Premier has no records that are responsive to your request."

If the Public Affairs Bureau (part of the Office of the Premier) has no documents, then it is either mistaken or incompetent. Before appealing to the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Commissioner, I wrote to the Director, Information, Privacy, Security and Records Management in the Office of the Premier and asked that they look again in the spirit of the Act so as to find any records related to the television ads. (Click here my full letter.)

Is it any surprise that the government that promised to be open is now amending the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act so as to further restrict access to information? Unless documents are leaked, government appears willing to simply deny their existence.


October 15, 2002

Abuse of Power

closureParliamentary democracy is sometimes described as a dictatorship in which the public has one day every four or five years when they can vote. Most observers would agree that more power has been concentrated in the first minister's office over the past 25 years, but it doesn't have to be that way. Paul Martin is campaigning with the promise to do things differently if he becomes Prime Minister. Gordon Campbell promised this too; however, events the week before Thanksgiving showed that to be another broken promise.

The Campbell government introduced a "legislative calendar" to provide definite dates when the legislature would sit, adjourn and take breaks in the spring and fall. Government also introduced Standing Order 81.1 which provides closure (cutting off debate and forcing the vote) on "government business". On May 15th Gary Collins, government House Leader, rose and announced:

"In supporting the new process, I wish to advise the House of the status of the progress of government business. As of this afternoon, with the introduction of the Miscellaneous Statutes Amendment Act (No. 2), all legislation which is intended for passage in the spring sitting has been introduced and laid before the House."

"There are two of those bills which government is intending to complete not this spring but rather in the fall. Those are Bill 16, the Community Care Facility Act, and Bill 47, the Business Corporations Act. As well, Mr. Speaker, there will be other bills that will be introduced before the end of the month, which will not pass this spring but will be debated in the fall sitting."

On the day government announced the use of closure, it introduced a Bill that was made subject to closure. Ten Bills were forced through with the use of "time allocation" (closure) in the five sitting days between announcing closure and adjournment of the spring sitting of the legislature.

On May 27th Collins again rose in the legislature and said:

I rise pursuant to Standing Order 81.1, which is part of our new fixed legislative calendar that provides for an orderly conclusion of government business using the procedure of time allocation. I'll just quote from Standing Order 81.1(1). It states: "When a minister of the Crown, from his or her place in the House, states that there is agreement among the representatives of all parties to allot a specified number of days or hours to the proceedings at one or more stages of any public bill, the minister may propose a motion without notice setting forth the terms of such agreed allocation, and the motion shall be decided forthwith without debate or amendment."

Collins tried to characterize the use of Standing Order 81.1 as if there was an agreement with the opposition on the time allocation. MacPhail responded saying that any agreement was under duress. Apparently Collins offered alternatives such as all night sittings for the two opposition members.

Every day in the first week of this fall session, October 7 - 10, the government adjourned the legislature early. Of a possible 27 sitting hours, the legislature sat for only 11 hours. Political commentators have criticized the government, saying that it was not prepared with its new legislation, but government is guilty of more than not being prepared. As the result of Standing Order 81.1, closure, Legislation that is finally introduced will not receive adequate time for debate before it is forced through on the scheduled date for adjourning the fall sitting, November 28.

Government claims that the opposition should have spent more time debating Bill 47, the Business Corporations Act, while drafters rushed to complete work on new legislation that they couldn't finish over the summer. Bill 47 consisted of a few amendments to a large statute. Instead of introducing those few amendments, government choose to make it look like a big Bill by reintroducing the entire Bill. Consequently, it passed quickly after the handful of changes were debated.

The government should not evoke closure with Standing Order 81.1 under any circumstances but especially if it cannot present its full legislative agenda at the beginning of a session.

One Bill that government did manage to get on the Order Paper before the week long Thanksgiving break provided for an amendment to the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act. The amendment allows government to exclude from disclosure any document that is part of any committee on which a cabinet minister sits. The amendment gives government a blank cheque that it can abuse to shut down access to information. The Information Commissioner wrote "The amendment's language is not, as I believe it could be, specific to Government Caucus Committees and committees such as the Agenda & Priorities Committee. Any temptation to apply it to committees that would not generally be acknowledged as Cabinet committees must be resisted."

The Commissioner previously ruled that documents considered by Government Caucus Committees were subject to disclosure under the Act. He was correct to criticize the blank cheque nature of the amendment for access to information but his acceptance of legislation that overturned his recent decision is disappointing. Perhaps the 35% cut government made to his budget served as a warning for the Commissioner to cool his comments. Criticism, however, should be focused on the Campbell government. After promising to be the most open government in BC's history, Premier Campbell is closing another door on public access to information. In so doing he is again moving closer to government as dictatorship with just one day to vote every four years.

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For all of Standing Order 81.1 see http://www.legis.gov.bc.ca/37th3rd/votes/v020213.htm and scroll down until you see 81.1(1) and 81.1(2). The second part allows government to impose time allocation if there is no agreement.

For the Commissioner's decision that is being overturned by government see http://www.oipc.bc.ca/orders/Order02-38.pdf and read paragraphs 78 - 97.

 

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